Written By | Torch Media Africa
BRISTOL, ENGLAND
Are you the one who talks to strangers on the bus, or the one who pretends to be asleep? The one who has already packed for the trip, or the one still looking for a passport at midnight? The one who lies awake at 3am replaying a conversation from 2019?
A study published last week in Nature has just put an enormous, expensive, statistically brutal number on how much of that is written into your DNA.
The answer is: some. A real, measurable, no-longer-arguable amount. And considerably less than the people who like to talk about genetics on the internet would prefer.
Researchers working under the banner of the Revived Genomics of Personality Consortium pooled data from 46 separate study cohorts spanning 13 countries and somewhere between 611,000 and 1.14 million people, depending on which trait they were examining. They combed roughly ten million genetic variants per trait. And they came back with 1,260 common genetic variants that are reliably associated with one or more of the so-called Big Five personality traits.
More than 800 of those had never been identified before.
The Big Five, explained in one breath
Psychology has been arguing about how to measure personality for a century, and the closest thing to a truce is a framework called the Big Five. Every person sits somewhere on five sliding scales:
Extraversion — sociability, assertiveness, energy. Agreeableness — compassion, respectfulness, trust. Conscientiousness — organisation, productivity, responsibility. Neuroticism — anxiety, depression, volatility. Openness to experience — imagination, curiosity, aesthetic sensitivity.
It is not a horoscope. It is not the sixteen-type test your employer made you sit through. It is the framework that actually survives replication, and it has been used in serious psychological research for decades.
The trouble has always been getting it into a genetics study. The huge biobanks that hold hundreds of thousands of people's DNA were mostly built to study disease. They collect blood pressure and cholesterol and diagnosis codes. They very rarely collect a proper Big Five questionnaire. So while geneticists were racking up spectacular results on height, diabetes and educational attainment, personality — arguably the thing people are most curious about — lagged badly behind.
"Researchers in the field have been waiting for a sufficiently large genome-wide association study, or GWAS, of personality," said Aysu Okbay, a behavioural geneticist at Amsterdam University Medical Centre, who was not part of the work. "Genetic studies of personality have lagged behind those of many other important behavioural traits."
This study is the field catching up in a single leap.
The numbers that matter
Before the study, conscientiousness — the trait that governs whether you file your taxes early — had exactly three known associated genetic variants. Three. After the study, it has 131.
Neuroticism went from 224 known variants to 706.
But the headline number, the one that deserves to be printed in large type in every article about this research and rarely is, concerns how much of the variation those 1,260 variants actually explain. Depending on the trait and the analytical choices made, common genetic variants accounted for somewhere between roughly 5 and 16 per cent of the differences between people.
Five to sixteen per cent. Which means that between 84 and 95 per cent of why you are the way you are is not captured here at all.
And the individual variants are, taken one at a time, almost comically weak. The researchers offer a devastating illustration: the average variant linked to greater extraversion explains the difference between sitting at the 50th percentile for the trait and sitting at the 50.35th percentile.
That is not a personality. That is a rounding error. Personality, the study suggests, emerges from thousands of these near-invisible nudges interacting with a lifetime of experience — not from a gene for shyness.
The surprise nobody expected: your parents' house did not do it
Here is where the study gets genuinely strange.
One of the great worries in this kind of research is confounding. When a genetic variant appears associated with a behaviour, it is often not doing the work directly. Parents pass on both genes and an environment, and the two get tangled. A variant that looks like it causes a trait may actually just be a marker for the kind of household you grew up in. This problem has badly bruised genetic studies of educational attainment and income, where family background does an enormous amount of the lifting.
So the team ran the analysis within families — comparing twins with each other, and siblings with their parents. If shared upbringing were driving the signal, it would collapse under that test.
It did not.
"I figured there would be some of that going on, some indirect genetic effects, where your early environment, shaped by the genes in your parents, would influence your personality," said Michel Nivard, a genetic epidemiologist at the University of Bristol who co-led the study. "We just don't find that kind of gene–environment correlation."
The genetic associations with personality turned out to be substantially more robust to family confounding than the equivalent associations with education level or income. The study also found little evidence that people systematically choose partners with personalities like their own — a finding that will disappoint anyone who has ever been told they married their mother.
What personality genes predict about your life
This is the part that reads like a tabloid horoscope but is not one, because it comes with error bars.
Using genetic correlations, the researchers linked personality traits to a long and slightly unnerving list of real-world outcomes.
People carrying more variants associated with extraversion were more likely to have been infected with COVID-19 early in the pandemic. Nivard's explanation is disarmingly practical. "Which makes sense, right? Because when you loosen up rules around social interaction, then the people who will take advantage of those loosening rules the most are people who have been missing that interaction most," he said.
Variants tied to conscientiousness tracked with taking up smoking — or rather, not taking it up — along with less substance use generally, more sport, fewer hospital stays and healthier ageing.
Variants tied to agreeableness tracked with being less likely to be suspended from school and less likely to run away from home.
Openness to experience was linked to more activity at night. The night owls, it turns out, may have a case.
And in a finding that is either funny or deeply uncomfortable depending on your mood, agreeableness and openness were both associated with something researchers rarely admit out loud: whether a person agrees to participate in research studies at all. Which is to say that the sample of humanity that scientists study is itself filtered by personality — a methodological hall of mirrors that this study has now quantified.
The serotonin bombshell
Buried in the neuroticism results is a finding with real clinical teeth.
Neuroticism — the anxiety-and-volatility axis — correlated with ten separate psychiatric disorders. That much was expected. What was not expected was what the genetics said about the mechanism.
For decades, the dominant popular story about anxiety and depression has been a serotonin story. Low serotonin, low mood; raise the serotonin, raise the mood. It is the story behind an entire class of the most-prescribed drugs on Earth.
The study found no strong genetic connection between serotonin and neuroticism.
Dalton Conley, a sociologist at Princeton University who was not involved in the research, told the New York Times that this is the result he finds most interesting. "I wouldn't say it's slaying that theory forever, but it's definitely casting doubt," he said.
Conley also flagged a subtler finding that says something uncomfortable about how surveys work: people with more neuroticism-linked variants were more likely to second-guess themselves while filling out the questionnaires, producing more "I don't know" and "prefer not to answer" responses. The trait was, in a small way, contaminating its own measurement.
Expert perspective: what the authors refuse to claim
The most striking thing about the coverage of this study is how hard its own authors are working to stop people over-reading it.
Elliot Tucker-Drob, a psychologist at the University of Texas at Austin and a study co-author, framed the 1,260 variants not as an answer but as a key. "I view the 1,260 variants as kind of a testament to the fact that we've now got the power to answer all of these other questions that we couldn't answer before," he told the New York Times.
Nivard went further, and bluntly. Asked about using genetics to predict an individual's personality, he was dismissive of the entire idea.
"I'm not in the business, or interested at all, in predicting personality," he said. "Because if I want to know personality, I would just measure it."
It is worth reading that twice. The man who co-led the largest personality genetics study in history is telling you that if you want to know your own personality, the sensible instrument is a questionnaire, not a cheek swab. A well-validated Big Five test costs nothing and takes ten minutes. A genome tells you less.
The authors also note in the paper that the genetic associations are not identical across geography, age groups, or the different instruments used to measure the traits — a substantial caveat that limits how far any of this travels beyond the populations studied.
What this means for you
Three practical takeaways, and one warning.
First: if you have ever been told that your anxiety, your restlessness or your inability to keep a filing system is purely a failure of character, this study is a modest piece of evidence in your defence. Personality has biological roots. They are real and now mapped in unprecedented detail.
Second: if you have ever been told the opposite — that your personality is fixed, hardcoded, a life sentence written in your genome — this study is a much larger piece of evidence against that. The genetic contribution measured here is a minority share, assembled from thousands of vanishingly small pieces. Nothing in this paper suggests destiny.
Third: the practical value of this work is at the population level, not the individual one. It gives researchers a new tool for untangling why personality tracks with health, longevity, income and habits — questions that have been stuck for decades because nobody could separate the genetic thread from the environmental one.
And the warning: expect the direct-to-consumer genetics industry to notice this study within months. Expect "personality insights" to appear as an add-on to an ancestry kit near you. When it does, remember the number. Five to sixteen per cent, assembled from thousands of variants each worth a third of a percentile. Anyone selling you a personality readout from a saliva sample is selling you noise with a logo on it.
The bottom line
Science has spent a century asking whether we are born this way or made this way, and the honest answer has always been "both, in proportions nobody can pin down." This study pins down a piece of it — and the piece it pins down is smaller than the argument surrounding it ever implied.
You are, in some measurable part, a consequence of 1,260 tiny genetic nudges. You are, in much larger part, everything that has happened to you since.
Which, on reflection, is roughly what your grandmother told you for free.